On America’s horizon — A far larger war with the Muslim world

While Americans have been focused on the pending failure of the “Super Committee” to reduce the federal debt; the slow-motion, world-economy wrecking implosion of the European Union’s “Euro Zone”; and the theater of confusion, bickering, and few new ideas generated by the endless debates among Republican presidential candidates, the United States also has been inching ever closer to a world war with Islam. Just as U.S. leaders in both parties are proving themselves impotent and/or unwilling to stop the destruction of the U.S. economy they have engineered through their policies, they are likewise unable and/or unwilling — with the exception of Dr. Paul and a few others — to see that another set of failed policies, those in the foreign-policy realm, are leading to a greatly expanded war with Islam that will accelerate the collapse of the U.S. economy.

Recently, I gave the talk below to a group of men and women who play a variety of roles in the conduct U.S. national defense. While I certainly do not claim the talk reflected that group’s views, I can say that it generated a very interesting 45 minutes of questions and answers and perhaps began to focus some listeners on the common- sense realization that the U.S. government’s interventionist policies and actions in the Islamic world certainly do elicit reactions, many of which are intensely negative. If nothing else, the notion that we are on the threshold of a much larger religious war with Muslims caused some to see the truly make-believe nature of Washington’s bipartisan intention to cut defense spending. In the context of a Muslim world that is girding for a larger war against America, its allies, and Israel, the idea that Washington can cut defense spending is as much a fantasy as the idea that the Super Committee will solve America’s debt problem. In both economic and foreign policy, the U.S. bipartisan governing elite is mindlessly traveling the high road to calamity.

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Heading for a far larger war with Islam

When I was a youngster, my Grandma always reacted to unexpected and troublesome events of all kinds with the old adage that: “God never shuts a door without opening a window.” How this adage would translate into Arabic is I beyond my ken, but I can say that it appears that Allah had the window wide open — in the form of the Arab Spring — even before he shut the door on the earthly existence of Osama bin Laden.

Bin Laden’s death, of course, occurred in the midst of what foolish Westerners — from presidents and prime ministers to journalists and citizens — believed to be the rise and inevitable contagion of secular democracy across the states of the Arab World.

–Even before the CIA and U.S. Navy Seals combined to kill bin Laden, Western leaders had chalked him up as a has-been because the Arab revolts, they said, made stern religiosity and the concept of defensive jihad things of the past. The West concluded that al-Qaeda henceforward would be irrelevant.

–Bin Laden’s death was a significant tactical defeat for al-Qaeda as there is no one with even roughly similar talents and credentials to take his place. Succeeded by Ayman al-Zawahiri, al-Qaeda is less newsworthy than it was under bin Laden — do a Google search and see how the media and much of the academy have walked away from the issue — but it is no less lethal, and it is larger, younger, better educated, and much more geographically dispersed than ever before.

–We in the West have missed — or deliberately ignored — the reality that bin Laden was neither a madman nor simply a vacuous celebrity, but rather was a hands-on, inspirational leader and an organization-builder in the modern sense of that term. A simple comparison of two maps — one for 2001 and one for 2011 — shows the organization he left behind poses much greater potential military and ideological threats than that America went to war against in 2001.

–The 2001 map shows that al-Qaeda’s main base for training, planning, concentrating manpower, storing of arms and ordnance, etc. was in Afghanistan. It had, of course, a presence in dozens of countries around the world, but its only large and secure operational base was Afghanistan.

–The 2011 map, on the other hand, shows al-Qaeda still operating in parts of Afghanistan in support of the Taleban; that it has a solid presence in broad portions of Pakistan and Yemen; that it has recouped into an again formidable fighting force in Iraq; that its influence is on the rise in Somalia; that its branch in the Mahgreb is growing in numbers and geographical reach at a startling pace; and that it now has affiliates in Palestine and Lebanon. If this substantial expansion is to U.S. and Western leaders a sure sign of al-Qaeda’s irrelevance, I would suggest they take recourse to the dictionary to acquaint themselves with the definition of “irrelevancy.”

Beyond these organizational and geographical realities, three other comments are worth making.

–First, bin Laden always regarded al-Qaeda as a small organization that could not by itself conduct and win the defensive jihad for which it called. He therefore decided that he and al-Qaeda were to be the inciters-in-chief of Muslims to wage jihad against the United States, its allies, Israel, and their own tyrannical rulers. When bin Laden died last May, he died — in regard to his self-assigned task of inciting Muslims — a complete success, and left behind a written, oral, and visual legacy that will incite Muslims for decades to come. He also left an Islamist movement that has been self-perpetuating since the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq provided the legitimate and irrefutable Koranic predicate for a defensive jihad.

–Second, he established the basis for inciting the jihad on sound substantive grounds. He based it on what the U.S. government and the regimes of its Western allies have intervened to do in the Muslim world, and not on how Americans and Europeans live, think, and behave within the borders of their own countries. We in the West have yet to accept this clear reality, and so we have done virtually nothing to sap the motivation of our current Islamist enemies or to reduce the motivation that is promoting the production of jihadis in the coming generation of Muslim youth, including young Muslims in North America and Europe.

–Third, bin Laden left behind a simple metric for Muslims to use in evaluating how the Islamist movement is doing in its jihad against the United States and its allies, particularly against the former. Al-Qaeda’s war aims toward the United States have been consistent since the mid-1990s: first, to exploit international economic conditions to help push the United States toward bankruptcy; second, to spread out U.S. military and intelligence forces to exhaust their reserves and flexibility; and, third, to create political dissent in the United States and strip away U.S. allies. I will leave it to the audience to determine, given these measurable goals, whether there is much cause for disappointment or despair in Islamist ranks. And I would suggest that such a determination be made in the context of the coming self-imposed but still abject defeat of the U.S. military in Iraq and Afghanistan by Islamists armed with Korean War-era weapons, men who have long deemed themselves and their predecessors as the vanquishers of the Soviet superpower.

Thus, in the wake of bin Laden’s death, al-Qaeda remains a formidable foe to the United States and its allies, and one that is now being empowered by the events and repercussions of the Arab Spring. Let us first look at what the Arab Spring means for al-Qaeda’s strategic goals, which are three in number: first, to drive the United States as far as possible out of the Muslim world; second, to destroy the Arab tyrannies and Israel; and, third, to settle the Sunni community’s scores with the Shia.

–U.S. and Western strategy in the Arab world has for 40 years depended on the maintenance of tyranny. This strategy was successful and has for most of the period yielded easy access to oil, usually at below-market prices; a means of defending Israel; and, in recent decades, the suppression and persecution of Islamist leaders and forces.

–With the Arab Spring’s revolts, however, U.S. leaders and their allies jettisoned this half-century strategy of betting on eternal tyranny in the Arab world and in doing so destroyed the West’s traditional strategic position in the Middle East in the name of the chimera of budding secular democracy across the region. In doing so, Western leaders greatly advanced al-Qaeda’s first two strategic goals: to curtail U.S. influence in the region and to eliminate the Arab tyrannies.

–Whatever regimes replace those of Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Gaddafi, they will be less friendly toward the United States. The media seems to forget that part of the reason those regimes were loathed was because they cooperated with the United States and suppressed Islam. The successor regimes — to survive — will steer clear of business-as-usual relationships and certainly keep their ties to the West just this side of frosty.

In addition, the Arab Spring’s substantive yield approaches the status of a death warrant for Israel.

–First, the U.S. and NATO reaction to the Arab Spring effectively destroyed the West’s pro-tyranny strategy which had been an effective component of Israel’s security.

–Second, whether Islamists, secular democrats, or men of some other political persuasion takeover for the fallen regimes, it will be bad news for Israel. Islamist regimes will be doctrinally more anti-Israeli than their predecessors, and even in the wildly unlikely event that secular democratic regimes succeed to power in each Arab country, they would have to reflect public opinion, which is virtually 100-percent anti-Israeli.

–Third, the Arab Spring has begun the crumbling of the tyrannies that are essential to the inner ring of Israel’s defense. Israel’s border security depends not only on its own policies, actions, and resolve, but on the willingness of the Arab tyrannies on its borders to control their own borders with Israel. As noted, al-Qaeda and other Islamist groups have established a presence in non-tyrannical Lebanon. And since early 2011, Mubarak’s demise has cut Egypt’s willingness to control the Gaza and Sinai borders; the West is working to destroy Asad’s government in Syria, a regime whose collapse would present Israel with still greater border problems; and the shoe of the Arab Spring has yet to fall in Jordan — the border country with the strongest militant Islamist presence — but when it does it will cause a nightmare for Israeli security. Israel’s massive and unaccounted-for WMD arsenal may intimidate Iran and other nation-states, but such weapons are of little use as tools of border control.

In terms of the Arab Spring’s negative impact on U.S. security beyond those just mentioned, I would note the following three realities:

–In Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, the popular revolts were accompanied by the opening of prisons in each country. Arab prisons, of course, hold every-day felons but they are also usually packed with Islamist militants that the regimes incarcerated for their own interests and, to an extent, at the West’s request. The release of these prisoners amounts to a significant reinforcement of veteran, hardened, and embittered fighters, thinkers, bomb-makers, financiers, and logisticians to Islamist movements across North Africa and beyond.

–In each of these countries — as well as in Yemen — there have been repeated instances of police and military arsenals being opened and looted by demonstrators, protestors, and Islamists. In Egypt and Libya especially, this weaponry was massive in quantity, modern in its vintage, and familiar to many of the Islamists who will be its end users. The media already is reporting, for example, that weapons from Gaddafi’s arsenals are turning up in the Sahel, Somalia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. (NB: The freed Islamists and the flow of weaponry must be of special concern to the U.S. Africa Command as each will strengthen anti-American Islamist groups — al-Qaeda and others — throughout much of Africa. And Africa, unlike Iraq, is rife with genuine U.S. national interests — such as the reliable flow of crude oil from the Niger Delta, access to uranium and other strategic minerals, and freedom of the seas off the continent’s east and west coasts — that are increasingly at risk.)

–The revolts in Libya, Egypt, and Tunisia — together with that in Yemen and the mindless estrangement of Pakistan — have created an intelligence disaster for the United States and its main Western allies. With the fall or alienation of these tyrants, the police, security, and intelligence services of each regime have been disbanded, emasculated, or rendered impotent, especially in intelligence-related operations beyond their borders. The West’s U.S.-led stabbing of each regime in the back also has alienated many senior intelligence officers in each country who were disposed to assist our counterterrorism efforts. Thus, nearly a year into the Arab Spring, U.S. and Western intelligence networks are being forced to spread their financial resources and manpower ever thinner to replace lost, neutered, or alienated liaison partners and the language capabilities, agent networks, and early warning capabilities they possessed and often used in cooperation with us.

A final product of the Arab Spring, and one not generally categorized as a national-security concern, is the clear delineation of the fecklessness of the U.S. educational system — particularly our most prestigious universities — and the reality-resistant nature of the leaders it produces in all walks of American public life.

–The revolt in Egypt perhaps provides the finest example of America’s educational disaster. For 18 days we in America and the West watched the activities of 200,000 Egyptians in Tahrir Square. Over the course of those days, CNN, ABC, NPR, and FOX reporters interviewed a few score young, educated, well-groomed, English-speaking, middle-class, and professional Egyptians who spoke the lingo of democracy. The journalists then read the pro-democracy emanations of these young people on FACEBOOK and TWITTER and decided, in their always superior wisdom, that this small sample proved that the nearly 90 million Islamically devout, Arabic-only-speaking, and mostly illiterate Egyptians — living under a pervasive faith that brooks no separation between church and state — were thirsting for and capable of secular democracy. The reporters, in short, exchanged their journalistic credentials for those of cheerleaders in Egypt, and then they did the same in Libya where they portrayed the birth of secular democracy via the activities of a resistance movement whose military power depended exclusively on the combat skills of former mujahedin and U.S. and NATO air forces directed by their political leaders to intervene and bomb yet another Muslim population whose country possesses impressive oil reserves.

–Now, no one can ever lose money by betting on the jejune, superficial, and arrogant reporting of Western journalists, or on their willingness to report as hard fact the views of people who say what they want to hear, and their performance and commentary in Egypt and Libya were more or less par for the course. The shock comes, however, when we hear Barack Obama, John McCain, Nicholas Sarkozy, Lindsey Graham, David Cameron, Steven Harper, Susan Rice, and Hillary Clinton all jump on the journalists’ ass-backward, democracy-mongering band wagon and predict in certain and glowing terms the beginning of secular democracies across the Arab world. Products of Harvard, Yale, Oxford, and Annapolis, in other words, attested to the ludicrous and genuinely demented idea that the Egyptians in Tahrir Square accomplished in 18 days what America, Britain, and Canada have been working on since the events the culminated in Magna Charta in June, 1215, nearly 800 years ago.

–When one hoped that the words of these political leaders amounted to the usual soothing but insincere tripe meant to please a set of naïve and badly educated electorates, Barack Obama delivered on 19 May 2011 a speech detailing U.S. intentions in the Arab world, outlining a set of goals that included calls for regime change in no less than five countries; the installation of democracy from Morocco to Pakistan — apparently with the exception of the West’s oil-rich pet tyrannies on the Arabian Peninsula; the resolution of what the speech tended to portray as minor spats between Sunnis and Shias and Muslims and Christians; and the endorsement of imposing the crazed and near-fanatical feminism of Ms. Susan Rice and Mrs. Clinton on the Muslim world. In the wake of that speech and the West’s subsequent destruction of Libya and perhaps Syria, it seems that Professor Huntington was all too prescient in predicting a clash of civilizations. I doubt, however, that he imagined that the authors and instigators of such a blood-soaked clash would hail — as he did — from the Ivy League, and not the Islamic universities located in Mecca and Medina.

By way of summary, let me make four quick points:

–Bin Laden’s death was a tactical not a strategic defeat for al-Qaeda. He left behind a large and increasingly geographically dispersed organization; a powerful propaganda machine armed with an appealing, historically evocative, and largely true narrative; a personal story and corpus of work that will incite jihad for the foreseeable future; and a U.S. government and a bipartisan governing elite that, after 15-plus years of war, have no conception of what motivates the enemy, or that they and their policies are the Islamists’ so-far-unassailed center of gravity.

–The U.S. and Western reaction to the Arab Spring — which has been the adolescent habit of getting off one horse with no other to mount — destroyed the West’s strategic position in the Arab world; lessened Western influence in the region; facilitated a less threatening operational environment for the Islamists, as well as close-in access for their attacks on Israel; and provided new and dangerous intelligence blind spots which Western services will be hard pressed to rectify.

–Islamist military forces across North Africa and the Levant have been reinforced with experienced fighters and modern weaponry. These fighters and weapons are likely to bleed into other areas, especially into the Sahel and Sub-Saharan Africa, and, when they do, the threat to significant U.S. and Western national interests in that region — especially vis-à-vis energy and strategic minerals — will substantially increase.

–Finally, we must confront the reality of our educational system’s utter failure to teach young Americans about their own country or about the world. This failure, in turn, produces leaders in all walks of American life — political, economic, military, and academic — who see the world as the lovely, secular, and democratic place they want it to be, and not the harsh, often ugly world that is on offer. An education system that produces graduates who spout the words “multicultural” and “diversity” at the drop of a hat but who know the meaning of neither, in either the domestic or overseas context, endangers U.S. security as much or more than any other single factor, and, at least in the Islamic world, virtually guarantees a growing and endless religious war with Muslims.

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Our educators doom America to overseas disasters

Cynicism and crankiness are, I suppose, sure signs of old age, and at 58 I surely qualify for elder-hood. But even accepting this reality, I continue to be bewildered by the men and women who are produced by our educational system and find their way into both political parties and then into foreign policy decision-making positions. They seem, almost uniformly, to bring prestigious graduate degrees but no commonsense or historical knowledge to their posts. In recent weeks, these shortcomings have been quite evident.

Egypt: What should have been accepted in early 2011 as irrefutable fact is that there is no significant number of secular democrats in Egypt who will lead that ancient country into the Obama-McCain-and-Clinton-promised democracy. Notwithstanding, CNN and BBC interviews with several score English-speaking, pro-secularism Egyptians in Tahrir Square, these people will have little or no voice in a nation of 85 million, the overwhelming majority of whom are devout and conservative Muslims. Likewise, the growing power of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafist groups in Egyptian politics was perfectly predictable as they are the only well-organized groups in Egypt aside from the army and the remnants of Mubarak’s regime. Finally, Mubarak was the scourge of the Brotherhood and the Salafists — both enemies of the West — and the largely effective protector of Egypt’s Coptic Christian Community. Thus, there is no surprise in the fact that without Mubarak the Islamists’ power is rising and the Copts are being routinely killed and their churches destroyed. All of this is what could and should have been anticipated by U.S. political leaders and foreign-policy experts if they had any contact points with Egyptian reality over the past 40 years. They did not, however, and they described to the American people what would happen in post-Mubarak Egypt based on their aspirations for the Egyptian people — which is to make them just like us — and not on any knowledge of the character, beliefs, and aspirations of the Egyptian people themselves. Only the U.S. school and university systems could have produced such daft and divorced-from-reality politicians and officials.

Libya: In the ocean of falsehoods proffered by U.S. and NATO political leaders about the non-war in Libya one stands out. Since the start of the Libyan uprising, these leaders have told their electorates that Gaddafi was without popular support in Libya and that his fighters were mostly non-Libyans, mercenaries whom he hired from elsewhere in Africa. Now there is no doubt that some of Gaddafi’s forces are hired guns from outside Libya, but it seems increasingly clear that he has had a significant number of Libyans who are willing to fight to the death for him. At least since Machiavelli wrote on the subject of mercenaries 500 years ago, it has been apparent that mercenaries are the worst of all possible military options for any political leader. Mercenaries fight only for money. If they win a war they pose a danger to the person who hired them, in that they are then positioned to take his power and wreath. In a war that goes badly, on the other hand, mercenaries will pull out of the fight — money not being worth losing your life — or go over to the side that looks likely to win. Given this truism — and the fight-to-the-death approach of pro-Gaddafi forces — it seems that our policymakers have chosen sides in Libya between groups of Libyans, and not between all democracy-loving Libyans and Gaddafi, his sons, and some non-Libyan mercenaries. This misreading of the situation by Western political leaders — along with their willful blindness to the sturdy Islamism of the most effective anti-Gaddafi fighters — ensures that stability in Libya is just as unlikely as the secular democracy imagined for it by in the reality-proof predictions of Obama, Cameron, and Sarkozy. One wonders if any part of the U.S. school system requires its students to read and learn from The Prince. At almost 100 pages in length, however, perhaps Machiavelli’s book it is to be big a task for American teachers to teach and American students to read.

Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan: Our so-called friends in these three governments continue to disappoint the Republican and Democratic leaders produced by our educational system. The Iraq regime has been found to be supporting Syria, even as it prepares to slaughter Sunnis after U.S. forces depart. Karzai’s Afghan regime has been found to be systematically torturing Taleban prisoners and other foes, even as our jejune generals seek to reconcile Afghanistan’s contending forces and train a huge Afghan army and security service that would give Karzai the tool with which to rule arbitrarily without elections. (The training program will fail so this last is only a theoretical concern.) The Pakistani regime has been found to be pursuing its own national interests — by supporting the Haqqani organization, for example — in an effort to cope with the mess in Afghanistan that Washington and NATO have signaled they will leave behind as they depart without winning the war they started. All three cases show the astounding ignorance of our political leaders. Taught at U.S. schools and universities that all nations share the universalist foreign-policy goals of the United States, these would-be-masters-of the-world seem unable to discern even dimly that no two nations have identical national interests. Our leaders’ failure to accept this trite but nonetheless deadly accurate piece of common wisdom has lead to the perfectly predictable disasters for the United States that we now see unfolding in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. The reading of a few memoirs and diaries written by field-grade British officers who served in the three countries in the 19th and early 20th centuries would have afforded our bipartisan political leaders and their advisers and generals a far better grounding for conducting U.S. affairs in each country then all of the Ivy League degrees they have accrued.

Dr. Ron Paul often and correctly argues that America’s Founders intended to defend the United States by a durable policy of non-intervention. Such a policy would make sure we did not become involved in wars or other conflicts where no genuine U.S. interest was at risk and in places where we did not know the topography, the culture, the language, or the character of the people. For me, the Founders wisdom on this issue is obvious and makes me a staunch non-interventionist. If more support for the Founders’ position is needed, one need only look to the pathetic U.S. educational system and the political leaders and foreign-policy experts it produces.

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Motivating enemies: Interventionists and the UN veto

For most of a decade I have said in books, articles, interviews, and speeches that America’s war with the growing Islamist movement is motivated by the Islamists’ belief that U.S. foreign policy is an attack on their faith and brethren. Generally, this effort has been akin to yelling into a closet. The dominance of pro-Saudi and especially pro-Israel political influence and money in both political parties, the media, and the academy is just too strong to allow more than fleeting opportunities to tell Americans that they — and their soldier-children — are and will continue to be at war because of the impact in the Muslim world of the foreign policy of Washington and its NATO allies.

This week, however, all Americans have a chance to see for themselves how Washington‘s bipartisan, interventionist foreign policy provides our Islamist enemies with their main motivation and encourages young Muslim males to seek out membership in Islamist organizations fighting the United States and its allies. If the Palestinian Authority’s president, Mahmoud Abbas, goes ahead and asks the United Nations to recognize Palestine as an UN member state, and the Obama Administration then vetoes the chance of a positive response — as would any Republican administration — Americans will see clearly and unequivocally how a U.S. foreign policy decision motivates Islamists to war and provides them with their major source of unity and enduring cohesiveness. Actions cause reactions, and, in this case, the pro-Israel lobby will have a harder time than usual telling Americans that U.S. foreign policy does not promote war with Muslims. The Obama veto will surely kill Americans and promote domestic Islamist violence in the years ahead.

The foregoing, of course, is absolutely not an argument for the Obama Administration to vote for recognition of a Palestinian state. What happens to the Palestinians and their country in the future is a matter of indifference to the genuine national-security interests of the United States, as is the future of Israelis and their state. Indeed, life in the United States would go on without missing a beat if Palestine and/or Israel disappear from the earth next week or at any future point.

Over several thousand years of human history nation-states have come and gone as result of their own actions and follies, and this winnowing process has proven beyond doubt that no nation-state has a right to exist. To argue otherwise — as the Israel-Firsters do — is simply to ignore history and reality; to inject via political corruption a set of personal and not widely held religious beliefs into the formation of U.S. foreign policy; and to put all Americans at risk of war for the fundamentalist, near-fanatical religious beliefs of some Jewish- Americans and their full partners in political corruption and war mongering, parts of the Christian Evangelical community.

The proper, pro-America role for the Obama Administration is to publish a non-interventionist doctrine declaring that it will abstain from any vote taken at the UN on the issue of full membership for Palestine. Obama officials could simply explain that this is an issue of no genuine national-security concern to the United States — exactly the type of issue America‘s Founders advised their countrymen to steer clear of — and from Washington’s perspective should be left to the two parties in the conflict to work out, Israelis and Arabs. President Obama and UN Ambassador Rice could also explain to UN members the fact that no nation has a right to exist, although this reminder may be a bit superfluous now that the United Nations itself has proven that point by becoming the West’s pliant interventionist tool for helping to destroy such UN member-states in good standing as Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen.

So Americans should keep their eyes on the current UN meeting and remember what happens in that forum if there is a vote on Palestinian membership and Washington vetoes it. The negative, war-promoting impact of that veto may not be visible right away, but you can bet that the next time an Islamist group fights and dies to kill U.S. soldiers, Marines, and private citizens, and those of our Western allies, it will publicly cite among its main motivations unqualified U.S. support for Israel and the the Obama veto.

And you can be just as sure that that Islamist group will not cite as its motivation early presidential primaries in Iowa, the presence of women in the workplace, or the civil liberties of Americans. Those claims (lies, really) will have to come from the usual suspects, Neoconservatives, senior Republican and Democratic leaders, Israel-Firsters, Evangelical preachers, the academy, and most of the media; in other words, from those people who are least likely to have soldier-children to be killed in the wars with Islam they seek to start but never intend to win.

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Interventionists ready a media lynching for Ron Paul

The past ten days have seen a spate of pieces on Google News damning Congressman Ron Paul for “blaming” America for the 9/11 attacks. This is just the start of what will become a wave of ever-more shrill and lie-filled attacks on Mr. Paul as long as he is seeking the Republican presidential nomination and continues to find growing public support. The attacks on Mr. Paul are and will be the work of the Neoconservatives, the Israel-First fifth column of U.S. citizens, and AIPAC and those it controls in the Congress, media, and academy.

Mr. Paul, of course, never blamed the United States for the war the Islamists started and are now waging on the United States. What he did say is merely what is true beyond any credible challenge: Our growing number of Islamist enemies are motivated to attack us because of what the U.S. government does in the Muslim world and not because of how Americans live and think here at home. Mr. Paul bravely and clearly delivers this essential message to U.S. voters, and as long as he tells this truth he will receive the venom and slander of the above mentioned people and organizations.

And worse is yet to come. On 1 and 2 September 2011, Commentary Magazine — long Israel-First’s flagship publication — identified Mr. Paul’s truth-telling in regard to the impact of U.S. foreign policy in the Islamic world as a “bizarre and twisted interpretation of events” and described him and his supporters as taking Osama bin Laden’s statements as their bible. Commentary went on to damn Mr. Paul and his supporters as follows:

“[Congressman] Paul seems intent on blaming America for the burning [Islamist] hatred directed against us, to the point that he has to disfigure history to justify it. It’s a peculiar citizen who would do such a thing. I suppose I understand why most Republicans (with the fine exception of Rick Santorum) have not taken on the noxious ideology of Representative Paul. But the dirty little secret is Ron Paul holds views that are disgraceful. It seems to me that conservatives, in the name of reaching out to those who inhabit the loony fringes of the libertarian movement, shouldn’t pretend otherwise.”

If this sounds familiar it is because it is precisely the kind of attack that was used against the America First organization when it sought to prevent America from entering the European War that began in September, 1939. Interventionists in both parties; much of the media; senior members of the Roosevelt Administration; leaders of Britain’s pro-intervention covert action program in the United States; and spokesmen for Jewish-American organizations all slandered America First members as disloyal citizens who were ignorant of the world. Together these entities misidentified distinguished Americans who were using 1st Amendment rights to defend what they saw as U.S. interests as traitors, madmen, Nazi sympathizers, and anti-Semites. In their words this week, the articles in Commentary and elsewhere have identified Dr. Paul and the millions who agree with him as “peculiar” citizens (traitors?); madmen (“loony fringes”); and bin Laden sympathizers.

If Mr. Paul continues telling the truth and his support keeps growing, Israel-First’s next step will be to begin smearing him as an anti-Semite, just as Charles Lindbergh and other America First leaders were falsely identified in the late 1930s by the sorts of people noted above. And such attacks on Mr. Paul probably will be more vicious than those on Lindbergh, et al. Some of those who opposed America First, for example, conducted a sharp but fair-minded debate over a clearly substantive and legitimate question: “Does Nazi Germany pose a threat to genuine U.S. national interests?”

Today, however, Mr. Paul’s attackers know they have no legitimate, defensible issue on their side of the debate, only their malevolent desire to see America fight all of Islam on Israel‘s behalf. Indeed, they know the United States and its interests are in large measure threatened and attacked by Islamists because of the U.S. government’s relentless and unquestioning intervention on Israel’s behalf. Thus, the combination of the fact that Mr. Paul’s words are gaining traction with some Americans, and that the Israel-First position is built on sand — that is, it is clear no U.S. interest is served by the current U.S.-Israel relationship — means that Mr. Paul’s attackers use any and every kind of slander to defame him and to ensure the United States will fight to protect Israel against the rising and uncontrollable tide of anti-Israel sentiment that is being produced by the so-called Arab Spring.

In this vein, Commentary’s description of Mr. Paul’s “noxious ideology” is a first step that probably will lead to a systematic Israel-First effort to identify Mr. Paul and those who support him as anti-Semites simply because they do not want to see America’s soldier-children die fighting in an irrelevant Israel-Muslim religious war in which no genuine U.S. interests are at risk

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Intervention’s costs vs Non-intervention’s benefits

In a world rife with examples of the damage done to the U.S. economy and our national security by Washington’s relentless and bipartisan overseas interventionism, two current situations can be cited to demonstrate the high cost of intervention, on the one hand, and the wisdom of national-interest-protecting non-intervention on the other.

The first deals with the growing likelihood of frequent and widespread attacks in the United States by Islamist militants, and the second deals with recent events in Syria and Somalia. The coming Islamist attacks in America will be the direct result of our interventionist foreign policy, while our failure to intervene — so far — in Syria and Somalia provides clears evidence that disasters, insurrections, and wars can occur in many areas of the world, have no impact on U.S. national security, and will cost us nothing in terms of lives, funds, or security if we simply refrain from intervening.

Domestic Islamist violence is the price of U.S. interventionism

On 3 August 2011, the White House issued a new plan to combat violent extremism in the United States. The plan urges an outreach program at the state, local, and community levels to “explain more effectively our [U.S.] values, ideas, policies, and actions internationally and support moderate voices willing to confront extremists and discredit radicals.” The federal plan says the bulk of our defense against Islamist militancy in America — the plan is aimed at Islamist extremism but never uses the words Islam or Muslim — will be handled through social-science-driven out-reach programs conducted at all non-federal levels of government, as well as similar efforts by private sector organizations.

The plan, of course, has no chance of success because America’s domestic fight against al-Qaeda and other Islamists has almost nothing to do with local, social, or economic conditions in the United States, or with policies that can be explained, controlled, or influenced by non-federal authorities. Not one of the U.S.-citizen Islamists who have attacked here in the United States — or who have been stopped before attacking — has had a “gripe” against American society. They have attacked or tried to attack because of their hatred for the impact of U.S. foreign policy in the Muslim world. This same motivation has been found in U.S.-citizen Muslims who have gone overseas to fight in the insurgencies in Afghanistan, Yemen, or Somalia. These men, according to their own words, acted because they hate Washington and its foreign policy, not Americans, their beliefs, and their society. In short, they grew to hate and chose to fight U.S. interventionism.

Thus, there is almost nothing that state or local governments or citizen groups can do to reduce the chance of domestic Islamist attacks. No matter what “out reach” programs for U.S. Muslims are conducted by officials or citizen groups at the state, local, and community levels, they will have no impact. As long as the main motivation for Islamist militancy among U.S.-citizen Muslims is U.S. interventionism, Washington will be furiously creating domestic Muslim militants, while expensive state/local outreach programs will find no success.

The conduct and content of U.S. foreign policy is solely the federal government’s prerogative, and until current interventionist policies — especially aid for Israel and our military intervention in Muslim states — are tempered or abandoned, increasing numbers of U.S.-citizen Muslims will attack here in America and/or go overseas for paramilitary training and combat experience. To be clear: It is U.S. foreign policy that is inciting U.S. Muslims to violence, and it is that policy that will destroy peace and tranquility in communities across our country.

Overall, the new federal policy to counter domestic “extremism” shows that 15 years after al-Qaeda declared war on the United States no politician in either party has a clue that we are at war because of what Washington does overseas and not because of how Americans think and live at home. The plan released on 3 August 2011 would have to be much improved to rise to the level of sheer lunacy.

Syria and Somalia: No U.S. intervention … so far

While the BBC, CNN, and other major mainstream media beat the drum for U.S. and Western intervention in Syria and Somalia, Washington has not yet gotten us involved in either situation, each of which is sad, even heart-wrenching, but neither of which negatively impacts genuine U.S. national interests.

Now, there is no guarantee that this condition of non-intervention will endure; Mrs. Clinton yesterday again banged her war drum for Bashir al-Asad’s regime to obey Washington’s diktat and leave, and this morning Turkey gave Syria a cease-and-desist-or-else ultimatum that sounds like the Cameron-Sarkozy ultimatum to Gaddafi that provided cover for the Washington-led intervention in Libya.

But as matters stand, we so far have seen a pretty good example of how things can occur in the world that do not require U.S. involvement. The unrest in Syria began five months ago and the media is claiming that more than 2,000 people have died there, although they do not often note that 20-percent of the dead are security officials killed by what the media describes as resolutely peaceful demonstrators. And in Somalia people are dying from starvation in much higher numbers than they are from gunfire in Syria, but so far Washington has not intervened, save by contributing humanitarian funding our country can ill afford in its current state of bankruptcy. Nonetheless, no U.S. military forces are on the move toward either location — as best we know — and that is the best possible news. At the moment, America has no need for the disasters that would accrue from two more armed interventions in Muslim countries.

Years ago, Ralph Peters, one of America’s finest strategists, wrote that in the post-Cold War world Americans would have to learn to watch foreigners die with equanimity to avoid involvement in expensive, endless wars in which no U.S. national interests are at risk. That advice was wise then; it is even more sage today. Neither the price of bread, the status of our liberties, the baseball pennant races, nor the security of our shores has been adversely affected by our failure to ride to the rescue of the dying in Syria and Somalia. The foreigners die, life goes on, and America is not yet fighting a war in either country, which is as it should be as no national interest is in danger in either place. Washington’s failure to intervene or lead a Western intervention in Syria or Somalia may not be popular with the electronic and print media and cultural war-mongers like Obama and Mrs. Clinton, but for the rest of us it is a most positive failure, one that has paid dividends by avoiding additional wars with the Muslim world and the deaths and enormous monetary costs such conflicts would entail. Failing to intervene also helps domestic U.S. security by not sharpening the already deep-seated hatred of U.S.-citizen Muslims for their government’s foreign policy. In these ways, it seems clear that non-intervention protects Americans and their genuine interests.

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Posted in Articles | Tagged , , , , , , , | 9 Comments